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发信人: blusea (望极天涯), 信区: WHU 标题: Angry China (ZZ) 发信站: BBS 珞珈山水站 (Mon May 5 09:24:10 2008) Angry China May 1st 2008 From The Economist print edition The recent glimpses of a snarling China should scare the country's government as much as the world CHINA is in a frightening mood. The sight of thousands of Chinese people wavin g xenophobic fists suggests that a country on its way to becoming a superpower may turn out to be a more dangerous force than optimists had hoped. But it is n't just foreigners who should be worried by these scenes: the Chinese governm ent, which has encouraged this outburst of nationalism, should also be afraid. For three decades, having shed communism in all but the name of its ruling par ty, China's government has justified its monopolistic hold on power through ec onomic advance. Many Chinese enjoy a prosperity undreamt of by their forefathe rs. For them, though, it is no longer enough to be reminded of the grim auster ity of their parents' childhoods. They need new aspirations. The government's solution is to promise them that China will be restored to it s rightful place at the centre of world affairs. Hence the pride at winning th e Olympics, and the fury at the embarrassing protests during the torch relay. But the appeal to nationalism is a double-edged sword: while it provides a use ful outlet for domestic discontents (see article), it could easily turn on the government itself. A million mutinies The torch relay has galvanised protests about all manner of alleged Chinese cr imes: in Tibet, in China's broader human-rights record, in its cosy relations with repellent regimes. And these in turn have drawn counter-protests from tho usands of expatriate Chinese, from Chinese within the country and on the inter net. Chinese rage has focused on the alleged “anti-China” bias of the Western pre ss, which is accused of ignoring violence by Tibetans in the unrest in March. From this starting-point China's defenders have gone on to denounce the entire edifice of Western liberal democracy as a sham. Using its tenets to criticise China is, they claim, sheer hypocrisy. They cite further evidence of double s tandards: having exported its dirtiest industries to China, the West wants the country to curb its carbon emissions, potentially impeding its growth and dep riving newly well-off Chinese of their right to a motor car. And as the presid ential election campaign in America progresses, more China-bashing can be expe cted, with protectionism disguised as noble fury at “coddling dictators”. China's rage is out of all proportion to the alleged offences. It reflects a f ear that a resentful, threatened West is determined to thwart China's rise. Th e Olympics have become a symbol of China's right to the respect it is due. Pro tests, criticism and boycott threats are seen as part of a broader refusal to accept and accommodate China. There is no doubt genuine fury in China at these offences; yet the impression the response gives of a people united behind the government is an illusion. Ch ina, like India, is a land of a million mutinies now. Legions of farmers are a ngry that their land has been swallowed up for building by greedy local offici als. People everywhere are aghast at the poisoning of China's air, rivers and lakes in the race for growth. Hardworking, honest citizens chafe at corrupt of ficials who treat them with contempt and get rich quick. And the party still m akes an ass of the law and a mockery of justice. Herein lies the danger for the government. Popular anger, once roused, can eas ily switch targets. This weekend China will be commemorating an event seen as pivotal in its long revolution—the protests on May 4th 1919 against the humil iation of China by the Versailles treaty (which bequeathed German “concession s” in China to Japan). The Communist Party had roots in that movement. Now, a s then, protests at perceived slights against China's dignity could turn again st a government accused of not doing enough to safeguard it. Remember the ides of May Western businessmen and policymakers are pulled in opposite directions by Chin ese anger. As the sponsors of the Olympics have learned to their cost, while c onsumer- and shareholder-activists in the West demand they take a stand agains t perceived Chinese abuses, in China itself firms' partners and customers are all too ready to take offence. Western policymakers also face a difficult bala ncing act. They need to recognise that China has come a long way very quickly, and offers its citizens new opportunities and even new freedoms, though these are still far short of what would constitute democracy. Yet that does not mea n they should pander to China's pride. Western leaders have a duty to raise co ncerns about human rights, Tibet and other “sensitive” subjects. They do not need to resign themselves to ineffectiveness: up to a point, pressure works: China has been modestly helpful over Myanmar, North Korea and Sudan. It has ev en agreed to reopen talks with the Dalai Lama's representatives. This has happ ened because of, not despite, criticism from abroad. Pessimists fear that if China faces too much such pressure, hardliners within the ruling elite will triumph over the “moderates” in charge now. But even i f they did, it is hard to see how they could end the 30-year-old process of op ening up and turn China in on itself. This unprecedented phenomenon, of the ra pid integration into the world of its most populous country, seems irreversibl e. There are things that could be done to make it easier to manage—including reform of the architecture of the global institutions that reflect a 60-year-o ld world order. But the world and China have to learn to live with each other. For China, that means learning to respect foreigners' rights to engage it even on its “internal affairs”. A more measured response to such criticism is ne cessary not only to China's great-power ambitions, but also to its internal st ability; for while the government may distract Chinese people from their domes tic discontents by breathing fire at foreigners, such anger, once roused, can run out of control. In the end, China's leaders will have to deal with those f rustrations head-on, by tackling the pollution, the corruption and the human-r ights abuses that contribute to the country's dangerous mood. The Chinese peop le will demand it. -- 学会放弃，就学会了生活 ※ 来源:·珞珈山水BBS站 http://bbs.whu.edu.cn·[FROM: 202.114.78.*]
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发信人: blusea (望极天涯), 信区: WHU
标题: Angry China (ZZ)
发信站: BBS 珞珈山水站 (Mon May 5 09:24:10 2008)

Angry China

May 1st 2008
From The Economist print edition

The recent glimpses of a snarling China should scare the country's government
as much as the world

CHINA is in a frightening mood. The sight of thousands of Chinese people wavin
g xenophobic fists suggests that a country on its way to becoming a superpower
may turn out to be a more dangerous force than optimists had hoped. But it is
n't just foreigners who should be worried by these scenes: the Chinese governm
ent, which has encouraged this outburst of nationalism, should also be afraid.

For three decades, having shed communism in all but the name of its ruling par
ty, China's government has justified its monopolistic hold on power through ec
onomic advance. Many Chinese enjoy a prosperity undreamt of by their forefathe
rs. For them, though, it is no longer enough to be reminded of the grim auster
ity of their parents' childhoods. They need new aspirations.

The government's solution is to promise them that China will be restored to it
s rightful place at the centre of world affairs. Hence the pride at winning th
e Olympics, and the fury at the embarrassing protests during the torch relay.
But the appeal to nationalism is a double-edged sword: while it provides a use
ful outlet for domestic discontents (see article), it could easily turn on the
government itself.

A million mutinies
The torch relay has galvanised protests about all manner of alleged Chinese cr
imes: in Tibet, in China's broader human-rights record, in its cosy relations
with repellent regimes. And these in turn have drawn counter-protests from tho
usands of expatriate Chinese, from Chinese within the country and on the inter
net.

Chinese rage has focused on the alleged “anti-China” bias of the Western pre
ss, which is accused of ignoring violence by Tibetans in the unrest in March.
From this starting-point China's defenders have gone on to denounce the entire
edifice of Western liberal democracy as a sham. Using its tenets to criticise
China is, they claim, sheer hypocrisy. They cite further evidence of double s
tandards: having exported its dirtiest industries to China, the West wants the
country to curb its carbon emissions, potentially impeding its growth and dep
riving newly well-off Chinese of their right to a motor car. And as the presid
ential election campaign in America progresses, more China-bashing can be expe
cted, with protectionism disguised as noble fury at “coddling dictators”.

China's rage is out of all proportion to the alleged offences. It reflects a f
ear that a resentful, threatened West is determined to thwart China's rise. Th
e Olympics have become a symbol of China's right to the respect it is due. Pro
tests, criticism and boycott threats are seen as part of a broader refusal to
accept and accommodate China.

There is no doubt genuine fury in China at these offences; yet the impression
the response gives of a people united behind the government is an illusion. Ch
ina, like India, is a land of a million mutinies now. Legions of farmers are a
ngry that their land has been swallowed up for building by greedy local offici
als. People everywhere are aghast at the poisoning of China's air, rivers and
lakes in the race for growth. Hardworking, honest citizens chafe at corrupt of
ficials who treat them with contempt and get rich quick. And the party still m
akes an ass of the law and a mockery of justice.

Herein lies the danger for the government. Popular anger, once roused, can eas
ily switch targets. This weekend China will be commemorating an event seen as
pivotal in its long revolution—the protests on May 4th 1919 against the humil
iation of China by the Versailles treaty (which bequeathed German “concession
s” in China to Japan). The Communist Party had roots in that movement. Now, a
s then, protests at perceived slights against China's dignity could turn again
st a government accused of not doing enough to safeguard it.

Remember the ides of May
Western businessmen and policymakers are pulled in opposite directions by Chin
ese anger. As the sponsors of the Olympics have learned to their cost, while c
onsumer- and shareholder-activists in the West demand they take a stand agains
t perceived Chinese abuses, in China itself firms' partners and customers are
all too ready to take offence. Western policymakers also face a difficult bala
ncing act. They need to recognise that China has come a long way very quickly,
and offers its citizens new opportunities and even new freedoms, though these
are still far short of what would constitute democracy. Yet that does not mea
n they should pander to China's pride. Western leaders have a duty to raise co
ncerns about human rights, Tibet and other “sensitive” subjects. They do not
need to resign themselves to ineffectiveness: up to a point, pressure works:
China has been modestly helpful over Myanmar, North Korea and Sudan. It has ev
en agreed to reopen talks with the Dalai Lama's representatives. This has happ
ened because of, not despite, criticism from abroad.

Pessimists fear that if China faces too much such pressure, hardliners within
the ruling elite will triumph over the “moderates” in charge now. But even i
f they did, it is hard to see how they could end the 30-year-old process of op
ening up and turn China in on itself. This unprecedented phenomenon, of the ra
pid integration into the world of its most populous country, seems irreversibl
e. There are things that could be done to make it easier to manage—including
reform of the architecture of the global institutions that reflect a 60-year-o
ld world order. But the world and China have to learn to live with each other.

For China, that means learning to respect foreigners' rights to engage it even
on its “internal affairs”. A more measured response to such criticism is ne
cessary not only to China's great-power ambitions, but also to its internal st
ability; for while the government may distract Chinese people from their domes
tic discontents by breathing fire at foreigners, such anger, once roused, can
run out of control. In the end, China's leaders will have to deal with those f
rustrations head-on, by tackling the pollution, the corruption and the human-r
ights abuses that contribute to the country's dangerous mood. The Chinese peop
le will demand it.

--
学会放弃，就学会了生活

※ 来源:·珞珈山水BBS站

http://bbs.whu.edu.cn·[FROM: 202.114.78.*]

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