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发信人: stoneyc (斯东尼克·樽前笑), 信区: WHU 标题: Angry China 中英对照~ 发信站: BBS 珞珈山水站 (Tue May 6 13:32:01 2008) 【08.5.1 英国经济学人】愤怒的中国【媒体出处】http://www.economist.co.uk/opinion/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11293 645 【中文翻译】elpeggy原创翻译【本文标题】Angry China 愤怒的中国【全文内容】 The recent glimpses of a snarling China should scare the country's government as much as the world CHINA is in a frightening mood. The sight of thousands of Chinese people wavin g xenophobic fists suggests that a country on its way to becoming a superpower may turn out to be a more dangerous force than optimists had hoped. But it is n't just foreigners who should be worried by these scenes: the Chinese governm ent, which has encouraged this outburst of nationalism, should also be afraid. For three decades, having shed communism in all but the name of its ruling par ty, China's government has justified its monopolistic hold on power through ec onomic advance. Many Chinese enjoy a prosperity undreamt of by their forefathe rs. For them, though, it is no longer enough to be reminded of the grim auster ity of their parents' childhoods. They need new aspirations. The government's solution is to promise them that China will be restored to it s rightful place at the centre of world affairs. Hence the pride at winning th e Olympics, and the fury at the embarrassing protests during the torch relay. But the appeal to nationalism is a double-edged sword: while it provides a use ful outlet for domestic discontents (see article), it could easily turn on the government itself. A million mutinies The torch relay has galvanised protests about all manner of alleged Chinese cr imes: in Tibet, in China's broader human-rights record, in its cosy relations with repellent regimes. And these in turn have drawn counter-protests from tho usands of expatriate Chinese, from Chinese within the country and on the inter net. Chinese rage has focused on the alleged “anti-China” bias of the Western pre ss, which is accused of ignoring violence by Tibetans in the unrest in March. From this starting-point China's defenders have gone on to denounce the entire edifice of Western liberal democracy as a sham. Using its tenets to criticise China is, they claim, sheer hypocrisy. They cite further evidence of double s tandards: having exported its dirtiest industries to China, the West wants the country to curb its carbon emissions, potentially impeding its growth and dep riving newly well-off Chinese of their right to a motor car. And as the presid ential election campaign in America progresses, more China-bashing can be expe cted, with protectionism disguised as noble fury at “coddling dictators”. China's rage is out of all proportion to the alleged offences. It reflects a f ear that a resentful, threatened West is determined to thwart China's rise. Th e Olympics have become a symbol of China's right to the respect it is due. Pro tests, criticism and boycott threats are seen as part of a broader refusal to accept and accommodate China. There is no doubt genuine fury in China at these offences; yet the impression the response gives of a people united behind the government is an illusion. Ch ina, like India, is a land of a million mutinies now. Legions of farmers are a ngry that their land has been swallowed up for building by greedy local offici als. People everywhere are aghast at the poisoning of China's air, rivers and lakes in the race for growth. Hardworking, honest citizens chafe at corrupt of ficials who treat them with contempt and get rich quick. And the party still m akes an ass of the law and a mockery of justice. Herein lies the danger for the government. Popular anger, once roused, can eas ily switch targets. This weekend China will be commemorating an event seen as pivotal in its long revolution—the protests on May 4th 1919 against the humil iation of China by the Versailles treaty (which bequeathed German “concession s” in China to Japan). The Communist Party had roots in that movement. Now, a s then, protests at perceived slights against China's dignity could turn again st a government accused of not doing enough to safeguard it. Remember the ides of May Western businessmen and policymakers are pulled in opposite directions by Chin ese anger. As the sponsors of the Olympics have learned to their cost, while c onsumer- and shareholder-activists in the West demand they take a stand agains t perceived Chinese abuses, in China itself firms' partners and customers are all too ready to take offence. Western policymakers also face a difficult bala ncing act. They need to recognise that China has come a long way very quickly, and offers its citizens new opportunities and even new freedoms, though these are still far short of what would constitute democracy. Yet that does not mea n they should pander to China's pride. Western leaders have a duty to raise co ncerns about human rights, Tibet and other “sensitive” subjects. They do not need to resign themselves to ineffectiveness: up to a point, pressure works: China has been modestly helpful over Myanmar, North Korea and Sudan. It has ev en agreed to reopen talks with the Dalai Lama's representatives. This has happ ened because of, not despite, criticism from abroad. Pessimists fear that if China faces too much such pressure, hardliners within the ruling elite will triumph over the “moderates” in charge now. But even i f they did, it is hard to see how they could end the 30-year-old process of op ening up and turn China in on itself. This unprecedented phenomenon, of the ra pid integration into the world of its most populous country, seems irreversibl e. There are things that could be done to make it easier to manage—including reform of the architecture of the global institutions that reflect a 60-year-o ld world order. But the world and China have to learn to live with each other. For China, that means learning to respect foreigners' rights to engage it even on its “internal affairs”. A more measured response to such criticism is ne cessary not only to China's great-power ambitions, but also to its internal st ability; for while the government may distract Chinese people from their domes tic discontents by breathing fire at foreigners, such anger, once roused, can run out of control. In the end, China's leaders will have to deal with those f rustrations head-on, by tackling the pollution, the corruption and the human-r ights abuses that contribute to the country's dangerous mood. The Chinese peop le will demand it. 最近，对咆哮的中国的匆匆一瞥，已足够让我们的政府和全世界惊恐万分了。中国正处于令人惊恐的状态中。成千上万的中国人挥舞的仇外的拳头，显示着这个国家正走在成为超级强权的道路上，这股力量似乎比乐天派们所希望的要危险得多。但是对于外国人来说，应该担忧的并非这些景象，煽动民族主义情绪爆发的中国政府，同样值得忧虑。近三十年来，甩掉了除执政党名字外的所有共产主义元素的中国政府，已通过经济的发展证明了其垄断性权力的正当性。许多中国人正享受着祖先们难以想象的繁荣。对他们来说，时间还未久远到需要别人提醒他们，他们父辈所经历的严酷艰苦的童年。他们需要新的抱负。政府的解决办法是向人民承诺，中国将恢复在全球事务中心的正当地位。由是引发了对赢得奥运会的自豪，以及在令人窘迫的火炬传递中的暴怒。但民族主义呼声是一把双刃剑：当有合适的国内事务作为导火线时（如下文所述），政府本身也很容易使其激发出来。百万兵变火炬传递激起了形形色色的针对所谓的中国罪恶的抗议：关于西藏的，关于中国人权记录的，关于和某些讨人嫌的政权的亲密关系。而一一上演的这些，已经导致了来自成千上万的中国侨民，来自国内华人和互联网上的反抗议。中国人的暴怒聚焦于作出所谓的“反华”歪曲的西方媒体，控告其忽视三月份的动荡中藏人实施的暴行。由此开始，中国卫士们进一步指责整个西方自由主义民主政治是个骗局。他们声称，用这种原则来批评中国根本就是一种伪善。他们引用了有关双重标准的进一步证据：为了减少自己的碳排放，西方人把自己的污染工业放到中国，潜在地阻止、剥夺着新进富裕起来的中国人拥有汽车的权力。并且随着美国总统选举战的进行，可以预期，以对“虚弱独裁者”的高贵愤怒为托词的保护主义政策，将伴随着更多的“中国拳”共同出击。中国人的暴怒程度已超出了所谓的冒犯的程度。这反映出了一种畏惧，一种愤恨，受威胁的西方决心阻止中国的成长。奥运会已变成了中国获得应有尊重的权力的标志，而抗议、批评和抵制，被视为对“接受和适应中国”的广泛排斥的一部分。毫无疑问，这些冒犯在中国激起的愤怒是真诚的。“这些反响是由政府组织人发出的 ”的想法纯属幻觉。中国和印度一样，现在正是一片面临着百万兵变的土地。众多农民愤怒于贪婪的地方官耗尽土地大兴土木；到处都有人惊骇于为了可能的发展而对中国的空气、河流、湖泊进行的毒害；勤奋工作的正直民众愤怒于那些迅速致富的腐败官员的轻蔑对待；而执政党仍旧在愚弄法律，嘲笑司法公正。于是，危险被摆在政府面前。广泛的愤怒一旦被激起，就很容易转移目标。本周末，中国将纪念一场被视为其漫长革命历程中的一次关键事件——1919年5月4日针对“凡尔赛条约之耻”而进行的抗议，该条约将德国在华“特权”转让给了日本。中国共产党正是发端于此运动。无论现在还是当时，任何针对中国尊严遭到冒犯而进行的抗议，都可能转为谴责政府无力维护中国尊严的抗议。请记住五月十五日西方世界的商人和决策者们站到了中国人愤怒的反方向。如同奥运会主办者当年交的学费一样，当西方消费者和股东中的激进分子们要求站出来反对那些已知的中国的弊端时，中国自己的公司合伙人和消费者早已经为转攻为守准备得太充分了。西方决策者们同样面临着困难的平衡者角色，他们需要承认中国的快速、长足进步，并已经给予其民众新的机遇甚至是新的自由，尽管这还远不足以建立民主政治。但这并不是是说他们应该迎合中国的傲慢，西方领导人有责任提高对人权、西藏和其它“敏感”问题的关注。他们不需要用“此举无效”来自我开脱，有观点认为，施压是有作用的：中国已在谨慎地帮助缅甸、朝鲜和苏丹，甚至同意和dl的代表重新开始对话。这些事情的发生是由于国外的批评，而不是敌对。悲观主义者害怕如果中国面对太多此类压力，统治精英中的强硬派将会取代目前掌握大局的中间派。但即使他们这样做了，仍然很难想象他们能怎样结束已历时30年的开放而闭关自守。这个史无前例的现象，这个拥有最大人口的国家与世界的疾速融合，看来是不可撤销的。我们可以做点什么让事情容易些，比如改革那些反映着六十年前世界秩序的全球制度体系。但世界和中国都需要学习如何彼此适应。对中国来说，这意味着学习尊重外国人的参与权，甚至是在其“国内事务”方面。对于此类批评，需要更恰当的反应，不仅是在中国的大国雄心上，也应该在其国内稳定上，因为虽然政府可以将人民的不满从国内暂时转移到对外国人的攻击上，但这样的愤怒，一旦被激起，就可能失去控制，到最后，中国的领导者们将不得不对付迎面而来的打击，被困于造成国家危险状态的污染、腐败和人权问题。将来中国人民会要求这些的。【译者评】 I respected Economist, although it is in opposition with my country. West never realized that Chinese never thought a government is someone others, that’s why you always misunderstood our voice. Only “we” can set up a gove rnment, and once the government become “others”, we kick them down. Do you k now what did we call a governor in the past? We called them Parents. Do you ap prehend that? 我尊重《经济学人》这本杂志，尽管它不是和我们的国家一边的。西方人从未意识到，中国人从不认为政府是“别人”，这就是为什么他们总是误解我们声音的原因。只有“自己人”才能建立政府，而一旦这个政府变质，我们就把它踢下台。知道过去我们怎么称呼地方官吗？“父母官”。你滴外国人滴明白？如果按照一个外国人的角度，经济学人的这篇文章已经是惊人的客观和深刻了。有时我甚至觉得，有经济学人这样的刊物存在，甚至可以说是对我们的一种威胁。160年前，我们国家惨败于英国时，正是康乾盛世的尾声，不仅财富是对方的六倍，兵力更是几十倍于对方。但我们依然惨败，败得像个笑话。为什么？就是因为我们不了解西方。而现在，似乎中西方的角色互换了。从利益的角度，我宁可不存在经济学人这样的杂志。 -- ※ 来源:·珞珈山水BBS站 http://bbs.whu.edu.cn·[FROM: 222.20.195.*]
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发信人: stoneyc (斯东尼克·樽前笑), 信区: WHU
标题: Angry China 中英对照~
发信站: BBS 珞珈山水站 (Tue May 6 13:32:01 2008)

【08.5.1 英国经济学人】愤怒的中国
【媒体出处】

http://www.economist.co.uk/opinion/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11293
645
【中文翻译】elpeggy原创翻译
【本文标题】Angry China 愤怒的中国
【全文内容】

The recent glimpses of a snarling China should scare the country's government
as much as the world

CHINA is in a frightening mood. The sight of thousands of Chinese people wavin
g xenophobic fists suggests that a country on its way to becoming a superpower
may turn out to be a more dangerous force than optimists had hoped. But it is
n't just foreigners who should be worried by these scenes: the Chinese governm
ent, which has encouraged this outburst of nationalism, should also be afraid.

For three decades, having shed communism in all but the name of its ruling par
ty, China's government has justified its monopolistic hold on power through ec
onomic advance. Many Chinese enjoy a prosperity undreamt of by their forefathe
rs. For them, though, it is no longer enough to be reminded of the grim auster
ity of their parents' childhoods. They need new aspirations.
The government's solution is to promise them that China will be restored to it
s rightful place at the centre of world affairs. Hence the pride at winning th
e Olympics, and the fury at the embarrassing protests during the torch relay.
But the appeal to nationalism is a double-edged sword: while it provides a use
ful outlet for domestic discontents (see article), it could easily turn on the
government itself.
A million mutinies
The torch relay has galvanised protests about all manner of alleged Chinese cr
imes: in Tibet, in China's broader human-rights record, in its cosy relations
with repellent regimes. And these in turn have drawn counter-protests from tho
usands of expatriate Chinese, from Chinese within the country and on the inter
net.
Chinese rage has focused on the alleged “anti-China” bias of the Western pre
ss, which is accused of ignoring violence by Tibetans in the unrest in March.
From this starting-point China's defenders have gone on to denounce the entire
edifice of Western liberal democracy as a sham. Using its tenets to criticise
China is, they claim, sheer hypocrisy. They cite further evidence of double s
tandards: having exported its dirtiest industries to China, the West wants the
country to curb its carbon emissions, potentially impeding its growth and dep
riving newly well-off Chinese of their right to a motor car. And as the presid
ential election campaign in America progresses, more China-bashing can be expe
cted, with protectionism disguised as noble fury at “coddling dictators”.
China's rage is out of all proportion to the alleged offences. It reflects a f
ear that a resentful, threatened West is determined to thwart China's rise. Th
e Olympics have become a symbol of China's right to the respect it is due. Pro
tests, criticism and boycott threats are seen as part of a broader refusal to
accept and accommodate China.
There is no doubt genuine fury in China at these offences; yet the impression
the response gives of a people united behind the government is an illusion. Ch
ina, like India, is a land of a million mutinies now. Legions of farmers are a
ngry that their land has been swallowed up for building by greedy local offici
als. People everywhere are aghast at the poisoning of China's air, rivers and
lakes in the race for growth. Hardworking, honest citizens chafe at corrupt of
ficials who treat them with contempt and get rich quick. And the party still m
akes an ass of the law and a mockery of justice.
Herein lies the danger for the government. Popular anger, once roused, can eas
ily switch targets. This weekend China will be commemorating an event seen as
pivotal in its long revolution—the protests on May 4th 1919 against the humil
iation of China by the Versailles treaty (which bequeathed German “concession
s” in China to Japan). The Communist Party had roots in that movement. Now, a
s then, protests at perceived slights against China's dignity could turn again
st a government accused of not doing enough to safeguard it.
Remember the ides of May
Western businessmen and policymakers are pulled in opposite directions by Chin
ese anger. As the sponsors of the Olympics have learned to their cost, while c
onsumer- and shareholder-activists in the West demand they take a stand agains
t perceived Chinese abuses, in China itself firms' partners and customers are
all too ready to take offence. Western policymakers also face a difficult bala
ncing act. They need to recognise that China has come a long way very quickly,
and offers its citizens new opportunities and even new freedoms, though these
are still far short of what would constitute democracy. Yet that does not mea
n they should pander to China's pride. Western leaders have a duty to raise co
ncerns about human rights, Tibet and other “sensitive” subjects. They do not
need to resign themselves to ineffectiveness: up to a point, pressure works:
China has been modestly helpful over Myanmar, North Korea and Sudan. It has ev
en agreed to reopen talks with the Dalai Lama's representatives. This has happ
ened because of, not despite, criticism from abroad.
Pessimists fear that if China faces too much such pressure, hardliners within
the ruling elite will triumph over the “moderates” in charge now. But even i
f they did, it is hard to see how they could end the 30-year-old process of op
ening up and turn China in on itself. This unprecedented phenomenon, of the ra
pid integration into the world of its most populous country, seems irreversibl
e. There are things that could be done to make it easier to manage—including
reform of the architecture of the global institutions that reflect a 60-year-o
ld world order. But the world and China have to learn to live with each other.

For China, that means learning to respect foreigners' rights to engage it even
on its “internal affairs”. A more measured response to such criticism is ne
cessary not only to China's great-power ambitions, but also to its internal st
ability; for while the government may distract Chinese people from their domes
tic discontents by breathing fire at foreigners, such anger, once roused, can
run out of control. In the end, China's leaders will have to deal with those f
rustrations head-on, by tackling the pollution, the corruption and the human-r
ights abuses that contribute to the country's dangerous mood. The Chinese peop
le will demand it.

    最近，对咆哮的中国的匆匆一瞥，已足够让我们的政府和全世界惊恐万分了。
    中国正处于令人惊恐的状态中。成千上万的中国人挥舞的仇外的拳头，显示着这个国
家正走在成为超级强权的道路上，这股力量似乎比乐天派们所希望的要危险得多。但是对
于外国人来说，应该担忧的并非这些景象，煽动民族主义情绪爆发的中国政府，同样值得
忧虑。

    近三十年来，甩掉了除执政党名字外的所有共产主义元素的中国政府，已通过经济的
发展证明了其垄断性权力的正当性。许多中国人正享受着祖先们难以想象的繁荣。对他们
来说，时间还未久远到需要别人提醒他们，他们父辈所经历的严酷艰苦的童年。他们需要
新的抱负。

    政府的解决办法是向人民承诺，中国将恢复在全球事务中心的正当地位。由是引发了
对赢得奥运会的自豪，以及在令人窘迫的火炬传递中的暴怒。但民族主义呼声是一把双刃
剑：当有合适的国内事务作为导火线时（如下文所述），政府本身也很容易使其激发出来
。

百万兵变

    火炬传递激起了形形色色的针对所谓的中国罪恶的抗议：关于西藏的，关于中国人权
记录的，关于和某些讨人嫌的政权的亲密关系。而一一上演的这些，已经导致了来自成千
上万的中国侨民，来自国内华人和互联网上的反抗议。

    中国人的暴怒聚焦于作出所谓的“反华”歪曲的西方媒体，控告其忽视三月份的动荡
中藏人实施的暴行。由此开始，中国卫士们进一步指责整个西方自由主义民主政治是个骗
局。他们声称，用这种原则来批评中国根本就是一种伪善。他们引用了有关双重标准的进
一步证据：为了减少自己的碳排放，西方人把自己的污染工业放到中国，潜在地阻止、剥
夺着新进富裕起来的中国人拥有汽车的权力。并且随着美国总统选举战的进行，可以预期
，以对“虚弱独裁者”的高贵愤怒为托词的保护主义政策，将伴随着更多的“中国拳”共
同出击。

    中国人的暴怒程度已超出了所谓的冒犯的程度。这反映出了一种畏惧，一种愤恨，受
威胁的西方决心阻止中国的成长。奥运会已变成了中国获得应有尊重的权力的标志，而抗
议、批评和抵制，被视为对“接受和适应中国”的广泛排斥的一部分。

    毫无疑问，这些冒犯在中国激起的愤怒是真诚的。“这些反响是由政府组织人发出的
”的想法纯属幻觉。中国和印度一样，现在正是一片面临着百万兵变的土地。众多农民愤
怒于贪婪的地方官耗尽土地大兴土木；到处都有人惊骇于为了可能的发展而对中国的空气
、河流、湖泊进行的毒害；勤奋工作的正直民众愤怒于那些迅速致富的腐败官员的轻蔑对
待；而执政党仍旧在愚弄法律，嘲笑司法公正。

    于是，危险被摆在政府面前。广泛的愤怒一旦被激起，就很容易转移目标。本周末，
中国将纪念一场被视为其漫长革命历程中的一次关键事件——1919年5月4日针对“凡尔赛
条约之耻”而进行的抗议，该条约将德国在华“特权”转让给了日本。中国共产党正是发
端于此运动。无论现在还是当时，任何针对中国尊严遭到冒犯而进行的抗议，都可能转为
谴责政府无力维护中国尊严的抗议。

请记住五月十五日

    西方世界的商人和决策者们站到了中国人愤怒的反方向。如同奥运会主办者当年交的
学费一样，当西方消费者和股东中的激进分子们要求站出来反对那些已知的中国的弊端时
，中国自己的公司合伙人和消费者早已经为转攻为守准备得太充分了。西方决策者们同样
面临着困难的平衡者角色，他们需要承认中国的快速、长足进步，并已经给予其民众新的
机遇甚至是新的自由，尽管这还远不足以建立民主政治。但这并不是是说他们应该迎合中
国的傲慢，西方领导人有责任提高对人权、西藏和其它“敏感”问题的关注。他们不需要
用“此举无效”来自我开脱，有观点认为，施压是有作用的：中国已在谨慎地帮助缅甸、
朝鲜和苏丹，甚至同意和dl的代表重新开始对话。这些事情的发生是由于国外的批评，而
不是敌对。

    悲观主义者害怕如果中国面对太多此类压力，统治精英中的强硬派将会取代目前掌握
大局的中间派。但即使他们这样做了，仍然很难想象他们能怎样结束已历时30年的开放而
闭关自守。这个史无前例的现象，这个拥有最大人口的国家与世界的疾速融合，看来是不
可撤销的。我们可以做点什么让事情容易些，比如改革那些反映着六十年前世界秩序的全
球制度体系。但世界和中国都需要学习如何彼此适应。

    对中国来说，这意味着学习尊重外国人的参与权，甚至是在其“国内事务”方面。对
于此类批评，需要更恰当的反应，不仅是在中国的大国雄心上，也应该在其国内稳定上，
因为虽然政府可以将人民的不满从国内暂时转移到对外国人的攻击上，但这样的愤怒，一
旦被激起，就可能失去控制，到最后，中国的领导者们将不得不对付迎面而来的打击，被
困于造成国家危险状态的污染、腐败和人权问题。将来中国人民会要求这些的。

【译者评】

I respected Economist, although it is in opposition with my country.
West never realized that Chinese never thought a government is someone others,
that’s why you always misunderstood our voice. Only “we” can set up a gove
rnment, and once the government become “others”, we kick them down. Do you k
now what did we call a governor in the past? We called them Parents. Do you ap
prehend that?

        我尊重《经济学人》这本杂志，尽管它不是和我们的国家一边的。

        西方人从未意识到，中国人从不认为政府是“别人”，这就是为什么他们总是误
解我们声音的原因。只有“自己人”才能建立政府，而一旦这个政府变质，我们就把它踢
下台。知道过去我们怎么称呼地方官吗？“父母官”。你滴外国人滴明白？

        如果按照一个外国人的角度，经济学人的这篇文章已经是惊人的客观和深刻了。
有时我甚至觉得，有经济学人这样的刊物存在，甚至可以说是对我们的一种威胁。160年前
，我们国家惨败于英国时，正是康乾盛世的尾声，不仅财富是对方的六倍，兵力更是几十
倍于对方。但我们依然惨败，败得像个笑话。为什么？就是因为我们不了解西方。而现在
，似乎中西方的角色互换了。从利益的角度，我宁可不存在经济学人这样的杂志。
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